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D
ENNICA
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Types of agreement in Hungarian, Finnish, Estonian, Lapp (Saami)
and Bulgarian VII. (Numerus agreement III.)
This paper is a follow-up to and simultaneously the last in a series of pub-
lications on „Types of agreement in Finno-Ugrian languages (Hungarian,
Finnish, Estonian, Lapp [Saami]) and Bulgarian” that I first published in
2005.
In the first part of the present article, I discuss the agreement of the verb
with more than one subject. In conjoint plural noun phrases in the languages
under examination, the verb is in the plural. In mixed, conjoint singular and
plural noun phrases, the verb is also in the plural, except in Hungarian where
the verb agrees with the nearest subject. A similar case is found in conjoined
attributive modifier phrases.
In the second part, I summarise the results of my research to date and
illustrate the similarities and differences between the five languages under
examination.
Finally, all main types of agreement accompanied by a relevant example
are presented in a table to be found at the end of this study (cf pp ???). In the
previous articles, I examined the types of agreement from a comparative
point of view and described and analysed in detail the main types found in all
five languages: general questions, adjective and numeral attribute (Folia
Uralica Debreceniensia = FUD 12 [2005] 87–102); possessive constructions
(FUD 13 [2006] 65–78); appositive complements (FUD 14 [2007] 87–89;
nominal predicative constructions (FUD 14 [2007] 89–101; person agree-
ment of the verbal predicative constructions (FUD 15 [2008] 65–82);
nu-
merus agreement of the verbal predicative constructions (FUD 17 [2010] 55–
68 and FUD 19 [2012] 161–180).
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